AT a time when atrocities on minority Hindus in Pakistan are hitting
media headlines, it is a matter of great pride that Prime Minister Raja
Pervez Ashraf has awarded a sum of Rs500,000 to a Hindu student, Revtash
Kumar, for his topping the matriculation examination on the request of
his father who is a shoemaker and earns just Rs100 to Rs150 a day. The
government will also bear all educational expensesforthe student until
he becomes a doctor.
The Indian and Pakistani media deserve kudos for highlighting atrocities committed on minority Hindus in Pakistan.
The
government should take all such steps to prevent migration of Hindu
families to India, including ensuring their safety by protecting them
from religious fanatics.
SUBHASH CHANDRA AGRAWAL RTI activist Delhi
Monday, September 10, 2012
Civil service in decline
JUST a few decades ago, joining the Pakistan civil service was the dream of every top student graduating from an elite university.
Civil servants stood out for not just their overall outlook, but were also well-read and intellectual.
Today, however, few people with high academic achievements and potential are interested in pursuing this career.
While the overall decline in the quality of education is one of the reasons, the major reason has to do with the structure of civil service recruitment: the Central Superior Services (CSS) examination that is the entry point into the Civil Service of Pakistan, and its assessment techniques.
The foremost problem is the very structure of the exam. Candidates are required to appear for six compulsory subjects, each of 100 marks, and can choose from a list of optional subjects that range from carrying 100 to 200 marks to fulfil the remaining requirement of 600 marks. If you pass the exam you move on to the next step, which is the interview.
The problem is that the compulsory subjects Essay, English, Everyday Science, Current Affairs, Pakistan Affairs and Islamiat do not judge the candidates`intellectual ability. They require rote learning from the prescribed state perspective.
The English section tests antonyms, synonyms and how fast one can read English passages in a given time to answer questions. Students are not trained for this in Pakistan`s educational curriculum. The Essay subject tests knowledge of Victorian-era English with a major focus on flowery language, and the usage of quotations and idioms. This again requires rote learning. If you fail this component, you fail the entire examination which happens to more than half the candidates whoappear every year.
Even bigger problems exist with Pakistan Affairs, Islamiat and Current Affairs, which together account for 50 per cent weightage of the compulsory subjects.
The questions ask-ed are such that there is no single answer. Here are some examples: `Describe the dignity and superiority of Islam with proof as compared to other religions` (2000); `Write down a comprehensive essay on the judicio-political system of Islam` (2002); `What is the concept of `Khalafat` in Islam?`(2001).
Islam in Pakistan is extremely diverse in ideology.
What line are students to follow to get high marks? Pakistan Affairs asks questions such as `Analyse the main causes of the debacle of East Pakistan. What are its consequences on the history of Pakistan?` (2000), and `As a result of British-Hindu conspiracy on the eve of Independence the state of Pakistan which ultimately emerged in August 1947 was not so strong as visualised by the Quaid-i-Azam.... Elucidate` (2003). What is a student to do if he believes with evidence that there was no BritishHindu conspiracy? The questions are shockingly discriminatory and do not allow true intellect to pass the exams. Candidates are forced to memorise the state-sponsored narrative and are barred from thinking out of the box. The analysis required must be in line with the domi-nant narrative and ideology.
With the science subjects, it`s nearly impossible to score high in even subjects such as maths and economics because the examiners only care about the `right` answer. The system followed throughout the world is that marks are allotted for the steps taken in working towards an answer, not just for the right answer.
As a result, rarely does anyone opt for science subjects; most choose high-scoring subjects such as journalism and political science. The subjects are not equally weighed in difficulty and in terms of assessment.
These discriminatory compulsory subjects could be replaced with simple verbal and analytical tests that gauge the students` analytical abilities. There should be less stress on the English language since perfection in this regard is not necessarily a good indicator of intellect.
The grading of the CSS examinations is not centralised. Answer scripts are left to the mercy of individual examiners who are likely to grade according to personal biases and training. Some graders might be more generous, others stingy with marks.
There is no uniformity or standard grading key, leaving students hoping mainly for good luck. There is no way for a critical and analytical thinker to pass these exams.
A serious revision is needed in the pattern and structure of the CSS exam and its assessment. Instead of gauging students through their ability to memorise books and write lengthy essays, the exam should judge the analytical ability of the student.
A good example is the United Kingdom`s Graduate Fast Stream, the first step of civil service recruitment, which is a test of verbal reasoning and mental arithmetic, and continues with innovative techniques such as the `situation judgment test` which examines candidates` ability to handle different tasks,argue a case, deal with people and implement projects.
While the test is highly rigorous, the focus is on candidates` core qualities of analysis, communication, execution and the ability to deliver.
The bureaucracy underpins the success of a nation, and Pakistan desperately needs to restructure and refine its bureaucracy by attracting leading intellectuals.
A good starting point would be a CSS examination that is focused on assessing core human abilities rather than indepth knowledge to distinguish between intellectuals and rote learners, and brings the best minds into the civil servIce. Strengthening the bureaucracy is key to checking the corruption of politicians, and reducing the ability of the Pakistan Army to interfere in domestic policymaking.
A weak democracy has historically worked in the favour of both the army and politicians, and hence we don`t, perhaps, see the will to reform the civil service recruitment structure or assess whether the CSS exam is actually bringing in the right people to do the job.• The writer is a visiting scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington, D.C.
Civil servants stood out for not just their overall outlook, but were also well-read and intellectual.
Today, however, few people with high academic achievements and potential are interested in pursuing this career.
While the overall decline in the quality of education is one of the reasons, the major reason has to do with the structure of civil service recruitment: the Central Superior Services (CSS) examination that is the entry point into the Civil Service of Pakistan, and its assessment techniques.
The foremost problem is the very structure of the exam. Candidates are required to appear for six compulsory subjects, each of 100 marks, and can choose from a list of optional subjects that range from carrying 100 to 200 marks to fulfil the remaining requirement of 600 marks. If you pass the exam you move on to the next step, which is the interview.
The problem is that the compulsory subjects Essay, English, Everyday Science, Current Affairs, Pakistan Affairs and Islamiat do not judge the candidates`intellectual ability. They require rote learning from the prescribed state perspective.
The English section tests antonyms, synonyms and how fast one can read English passages in a given time to answer questions. Students are not trained for this in Pakistan`s educational curriculum. The Essay subject tests knowledge of Victorian-era English with a major focus on flowery language, and the usage of quotations and idioms. This again requires rote learning. If you fail this component, you fail the entire examination which happens to more than half the candidates whoappear every year.
Even bigger problems exist with Pakistan Affairs, Islamiat and Current Affairs, which together account for 50 per cent weightage of the compulsory subjects.
The questions ask-ed are such that there is no single answer. Here are some examples: `Describe the dignity and superiority of Islam with proof as compared to other religions` (2000); `Write down a comprehensive essay on the judicio-political system of Islam` (2002); `What is the concept of `Khalafat` in Islam?`(2001).
Islam in Pakistan is extremely diverse in ideology.
What line are students to follow to get high marks? Pakistan Affairs asks questions such as `Analyse the main causes of the debacle of East Pakistan. What are its consequences on the history of Pakistan?` (2000), and `As a result of British-Hindu conspiracy on the eve of Independence the state of Pakistan which ultimately emerged in August 1947 was not so strong as visualised by the Quaid-i-Azam.... Elucidate` (2003). What is a student to do if he believes with evidence that there was no BritishHindu conspiracy? The questions are shockingly discriminatory and do not allow true intellect to pass the exams. Candidates are forced to memorise the state-sponsored narrative and are barred from thinking out of the box. The analysis required must be in line with the domi-nant narrative and ideology.
With the science subjects, it`s nearly impossible to score high in even subjects such as maths and economics because the examiners only care about the `right` answer. The system followed throughout the world is that marks are allotted for the steps taken in working towards an answer, not just for the right answer.
As a result, rarely does anyone opt for science subjects; most choose high-scoring subjects such as journalism and political science. The subjects are not equally weighed in difficulty and in terms of assessment.
These discriminatory compulsory subjects could be replaced with simple verbal and analytical tests that gauge the students` analytical abilities. There should be less stress on the English language since perfection in this regard is not necessarily a good indicator of intellect.
The grading of the CSS examinations is not centralised. Answer scripts are left to the mercy of individual examiners who are likely to grade according to personal biases and training. Some graders might be more generous, others stingy with marks.
There is no uniformity or standard grading key, leaving students hoping mainly for good luck. There is no way for a critical and analytical thinker to pass these exams.
A serious revision is needed in the pattern and structure of the CSS exam and its assessment. Instead of gauging students through their ability to memorise books and write lengthy essays, the exam should judge the analytical ability of the student.
A good example is the United Kingdom`s Graduate Fast Stream, the first step of civil service recruitment, which is a test of verbal reasoning and mental arithmetic, and continues with innovative techniques such as the `situation judgment test` which examines candidates` ability to handle different tasks,argue a case, deal with people and implement projects.
While the test is highly rigorous, the focus is on candidates` core qualities of analysis, communication, execution and the ability to deliver.
The bureaucracy underpins the success of a nation, and Pakistan desperately needs to restructure and refine its bureaucracy by attracting leading intellectuals.
A good starting point would be a CSS examination that is focused on assessing core human abilities rather than indepth knowledge to distinguish between intellectuals and rote learners, and brings the best minds into the civil servIce. Strengthening the bureaucracy is key to checking the corruption of politicians, and reducing the ability of the Pakistan Army to interfere in domestic policymaking.
A weak democracy has historically worked in the favour of both the army and politicians, and hence we don`t, perhaps, see the will to reform the civil service recruitment structure or assess whether the CSS exam is actually bringing in the right people to do the job.• The writer is a visiting scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington, D.C.
Civil service in Pakistan
THIS is apropos of Hussain Nadim`s article on civil service in Pakistan (Aug 27). The writer tried to prove that the selection process in civil service is rotten and there should be some improvement in it.
I second his opinion, but there are some other focal points which I want to add.
There must be pre-CSS analytical test. The selection of optional subjects must be according to the department or service for which they are competing.
Police service should have separate recruitment examinations like in India and the other developed countries.
Moreover, every occupational group has a separate examination. In this way, there will be selection of specific candidates for the specific service group.
They will compete on equal grounds for a particular service or group.
Ultimately they will perform better in their relevant and specific occupational groups.
The FPSC and the authorities concerned must look over it for the betterment of civil service in Pakistan.
SALMAN AFZAL Islamabad
I second his opinion, but there are some other focal points which I want to add.
There must be pre-CSS analytical test. The selection of optional subjects must be according to the department or service for which they are competing.
Police service should have separate recruitment examinations like in India and the other developed countries.
Moreover, every occupational group has a separate examination. In this way, there will be selection of specific candidates for the specific service group.
They will compete on equal grounds for a particular service or group.
Ultimately they will perform better in their relevant and specific occupational groups.
The FPSC and the authorities concerned must look over it for the betterment of civil service in Pakistan.
SALMAN AFZAL Islamabad
who should define obscenity
PEMRA`S ongoing quest, initiated at the Supreme Court`s behest, to define `obscenity` for the purposes of media monitoring is ludicrous. The electronic media regulatory authority had initially demonstrated great sagacity in barring television channels from broadcasting `obscene material` without specifying what that might constitute.
However, its current quest particularly the suggestion of deferring the job of defining obscenity to the Council of Islamic Ideology is a reminder that wisdom has little place in a country revelling as deeply in its religiosity and moral righteousness as Pakistan.
Defining obscenity is an obscene idea for various reasons.
Most importantly, the parameters of what counts as obscene vary across socioeconomic classes, ethno-linguistic groups, political parties, the urban-rural divide, and even an extended family.
By asking one institution to define obscenity, the powers that be are compelling millions to abide by a code that might not reflect their values. Such authoritarianism is particularly out of place in a country as ideologically and culturally diverse as Pakistan (and where the inability to reconcile differences is often expressed through violence).
It also doesn`t help that a definition enshrined in media law or regulation is static, while social perceptions of obscenity necessarily evolve with the times. Pakistanis should be well aware by now that laws penned at the spur of the moment with little thoughtfulness about future ramifications can lead to social ruin (think of how ineradicable the Hudood Ordinances and blasphemy laws have proved to be, despite their horrificimpact on society). inat which is written down is inevitably more permanent and binding than that which endures through practice and consent.
Moreover, in Pakistan`s lawless and corrupt society, a concrete definition of obscenity will quickly become a tool of censorship, widely hurled at channels that criticise, investigate or expose. At present, media regulators or the courts must investigate charges of media obscenity on a caseby-case basis; this duediligence prevents abuse of the Pemra clause and fosters press freedom.
Pemra`s perseverance in defining obscenity will also give more credence to the narrative that the mainstream media is `obscene` This is a narrative routinely trotted out by extremist groups and others on the fringes of society who are seeking to exert power through violent control of discourse and the flow of information.
If recent news reports about a Karachi-based journalist being beaten in his own home for watching television are true, this narrative is fast gaining traction. Defining obscenity is exactly the kind of prohibitive and regressive action that will encourage such narratives and restrain the pluralistic media landscape, which is now needed more than ever as Pakistani society struggles with basic tolerance and productive debate.
These reasons for leaving obscenity undefined have been much discussed, but there have been few suggestions as to what Pemra might do instead to discourage further petitions against media obscenity. In a perfect world, Pemra would agree to check the proliferation of illegal and pirated material but refuse to define obscenity, thereby highlighting the privilege a diverse media landscape offers viewers to change the channel if on-air content seems obscene. But we do not live in a perfect world. And having been traumatised by decades of authoritarianism, we believe that any action against obscene content must be legislated from the top down.
But what if this issue were addressed from the bottom up? We have already seen that Pakistan`s growing community of digital activists is at its most powerful when monitoring the mainstream media: the online uproar that followed Maya Khan`s on-air moral policing in Karachi`s parks that led to her being fired; widespread criticism of the conversion of a Hindu boy to Islam on Khan`s Ramazan show; and shocked tweets and online petitions protesting Veena Malik`s suitability to host a Ramazan show that led (albeit temporarily) to the show being cancelled. With this track record, why can`t the Pakistani public be trusted to monitor media obscenity? Pemra could formalise such citizen monitoring efforts by dedicating space on its website for citizens to raise concerns, debate the appropriateness of content, organise campaigns directed at television channels, and suggest penalties for transgressing channels. This public discussion can then form the basis of Pemra action against television channels accused of obscenity.
To ensure that the authority is not deluged with cases, and to ascertain that the public is genuinely offended by certain content, Pemra could dictate that an online discussion on obscenity has to involve a minimum number of participants before the authority investigates the charge (this model has worked well in other contexts; for example, any e-petition that secures more than 100,000 signatures can expect to be debated in the UK House of Commons).
The obvious critique of such a system is that values expressed in the media will be shaped by a liberal, netconnected elite while the masses are subjected to content they consider obscene. But this critique is flawed.
There are currently 38 million cable television viewers in Pakistan, and more than 29 million net-connected Pakistanis (undoubtedly, there is significant overlap between these groups). That means the number of television viewers who could not participate in an online citizen media monitoring initiative is smaller than believed.
Moreover, innumerable digital tools now allow users to interact with websites via SMS and VOIP. In a country with 67.2 per cent cellular teledensity, the majority of television audiences could use their cellphones to engage with each other, and with Pemra, to come up with consensual judgments about what media content is obscene. In a democratic set-up, such a collaborative and negotiated system is far more appropriate than a decree from above about what constitutes obscenity.• The writer is a freelance journalist
However, its current quest particularly the suggestion of deferring the job of defining obscenity to the Council of Islamic Ideology is a reminder that wisdom has little place in a country revelling as deeply in its religiosity and moral righteousness as Pakistan.
Defining obscenity is an obscene idea for various reasons.
Most importantly, the parameters of what counts as obscene vary across socioeconomic classes, ethno-linguistic groups, political parties, the urban-rural divide, and even an extended family.
By asking one institution to define obscenity, the powers that be are compelling millions to abide by a code that might not reflect their values. Such authoritarianism is particularly out of place in a country as ideologically and culturally diverse as Pakistan (and where the inability to reconcile differences is often expressed through violence).
It also doesn`t help that a definition enshrined in media law or regulation is static, while social perceptions of obscenity necessarily evolve with the times. Pakistanis should be well aware by now that laws penned at the spur of the moment with little thoughtfulness about future ramifications can lead to social ruin (think of how ineradicable the Hudood Ordinances and blasphemy laws have proved to be, despite their horrificimpact on society). inat which is written down is inevitably more permanent and binding than that which endures through practice and consent.
Moreover, in Pakistan`s lawless and corrupt society, a concrete definition of obscenity will quickly become a tool of censorship, widely hurled at channels that criticise, investigate or expose. At present, media regulators or the courts must investigate charges of media obscenity on a caseby-case basis; this duediligence prevents abuse of the Pemra clause and fosters press freedom.
Pemra`s perseverance in defining obscenity will also give more credence to the narrative that the mainstream media is `obscene` This is a narrative routinely trotted out by extremist groups and others on the fringes of society who are seeking to exert power through violent control of discourse and the flow of information.
If recent news reports about a Karachi-based journalist being beaten in his own home for watching television are true, this narrative is fast gaining traction. Defining obscenity is exactly the kind of prohibitive and regressive action that will encourage such narratives and restrain the pluralistic media landscape, which is now needed more than ever as Pakistani society struggles with basic tolerance and productive debate.
These reasons for leaving obscenity undefined have been much discussed, but there have been few suggestions as to what Pemra might do instead to discourage further petitions against media obscenity. In a perfect world, Pemra would agree to check the proliferation of illegal and pirated material but refuse to define obscenity, thereby highlighting the privilege a diverse media landscape offers viewers to change the channel if on-air content seems obscene. But we do not live in a perfect world. And having been traumatised by decades of authoritarianism, we believe that any action against obscene content must be legislated from the top down.
But what if this issue were addressed from the bottom up? We have already seen that Pakistan`s growing community of digital activists is at its most powerful when monitoring the mainstream media: the online uproar that followed Maya Khan`s on-air moral policing in Karachi`s parks that led to her being fired; widespread criticism of the conversion of a Hindu boy to Islam on Khan`s Ramazan show; and shocked tweets and online petitions protesting Veena Malik`s suitability to host a Ramazan show that led (albeit temporarily) to the show being cancelled. With this track record, why can`t the Pakistani public be trusted to monitor media obscenity? Pemra could formalise such citizen monitoring efforts by dedicating space on its website for citizens to raise concerns, debate the appropriateness of content, organise campaigns directed at television channels, and suggest penalties for transgressing channels. This public discussion can then form the basis of Pemra action against television channels accused of obscenity.
To ensure that the authority is not deluged with cases, and to ascertain that the public is genuinely offended by certain content, Pemra could dictate that an online discussion on obscenity has to involve a minimum number of participants before the authority investigates the charge (this model has worked well in other contexts; for example, any e-petition that secures more than 100,000 signatures can expect to be debated in the UK House of Commons).
The obvious critique of such a system is that values expressed in the media will be shaped by a liberal, netconnected elite while the masses are subjected to content they consider obscene. But this critique is flawed.
There are currently 38 million cable television viewers in Pakistan, and more than 29 million net-connected Pakistanis (undoubtedly, there is significant overlap between these groups). That means the number of television viewers who could not participate in an online citizen media monitoring initiative is smaller than believed.
Moreover, innumerable digital tools now allow users to interact with websites via SMS and VOIP. In a country with 67.2 per cent cellular teledensity, the majority of television audiences could use their cellphones to engage with each other, and with Pemra, to come up with consensual judgments about what media content is obscene. In a democratic set-up, such a collaborative and negotiated system is far more appropriate than a decree from above about what constitutes obscenity.• The writer is a freelance journalist
Indian foriegn minister at Minar -e- Paksitan
LAHORE, Sept 9: In scenes reminiscent of the day in 1999 when former Indian prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee set foot on Minar-iPakistan and said his initiative was aimed at removing Pakistan`s misgivings that India had not accepted, at heart, the creation of this country, Indian External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna visited on Sunday the monument to the 1940 Pakistan Resolution.
Accompanied by Indian High Commissioner Sharat Sabharwal, Mr Krishna read the text of the resolution inscribed on the walls of the Minar. He also wrote a brief note on a guest book.
The Indian minister also visited the Data Darbar and the Samadhi of Ranjeet Singh, who ruled Punjab from 1801 to 1831.
Earlier in the day, Mr Krishna said he had held meaningful talks with Pakistani leaders during his three-day visit.
`My visit has been very meaningful as Pakistan-India Joint Commission held parleys after a seven-year break, Mr Krishna told media on the last leg of his Pakistan tour.
`I held useful talks with my Pakistani counterpart Hina Rabbani Khar and signed pacts on visa liberalisation and cultural promotion,` he said, hoping the steps would help promote bilateral relations.
`We both have no option but to live peacefully. We have a good friend in Pakistan and a good neighbour,` he said, stressing India would like to take relations forward in the most `progressive direction` on all matters.
He said a new era of cooperation and cordial relations between the two countries should be ushered in.
Mr Krishna also called on Punjab Governor Latif Khosa and Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif. At the Governor`s House, the visitor said that outstanding issues between the two countries could not be resolved without talks.
In his meeting with the chief minister, the two leaders discussed bilateral issues.
Mr Shahbaz said that talks between India and Pakistan should discuss all outstanding issues.
Accompanied by Indian High Commissioner Sharat Sabharwal, Mr Krishna read the text of the resolution inscribed on the walls of the Minar. He also wrote a brief note on a guest book.
The Indian minister also visited the Data Darbar and the Samadhi of Ranjeet Singh, who ruled Punjab from 1801 to 1831.
Earlier in the day, Mr Krishna said he had held meaningful talks with Pakistani leaders during his three-day visit.
`My visit has been very meaningful as Pakistan-India Joint Commission held parleys after a seven-year break, Mr Krishna told media on the last leg of his Pakistan tour.
`I held useful talks with my Pakistani counterpart Hina Rabbani Khar and signed pacts on visa liberalisation and cultural promotion,` he said, hoping the steps would help promote bilateral relations.
`We both have no option but to live peacefully. We have a good friend in Pakistan and a good neighbour,` he said, stressing India would like to take relations forward in the most `progressive direction` on all matters.
He said a new era of cooperation and cordial relations between the two countries should be ushered in.
Mr Krishna also called on Punjab Governor Latif Khosa and Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif. At the Governor`s House, the visitor said that outstanding issues between the two countries could not be resolved without talks.
In his meeting with the chief minister, the two leaders discussed bilateral issues.
Mr Shahbaz said that talks between India and Pakistan should discuss all outstanding issues.
Friday, September 7, 2012
CJ's son Case
IT`S about time more light was shed on the critical Arsalan
Iftikhar-Malik Riaz scandal, and there is some hope that Shoaib Suddle`s
investigation into it might do so. The federal tax ombudsman is a man
known for his competence and integrity, and from that point of view the
Supreme Court`s choice of him to pick up the investigation is a smart
one. But his appointment, and the developments that led to it, also
highlight the potential conflicts of interest involved in this case, one
that pits one of the country`s most influential businessmen against the
son of the country`s most influential judge.
From the very beginning it was clear that the case would be a test of the judiciary`s impartiality. But the complete dissolution of a joint investigation team that was looking into the matter, and the appointment of a one-man commission instead, are both unusual developments.
They also set a dangerous precedent. The JIT consisted of officials from NAB, the FIA and Islamabad police, and while there is some circumstantial evi-dence that some of the officials involved in it may have been close to Malik Riaz, its disbanding opens the door for others under investigation in the future to refuse to comply by claiming that state agencies carrying out probes are biased. As an alternative, some officials on the team could have been replaced rather than dissolving it altogether. Also, Mr Suddle will need the assistance of the agencies that were represented on the JIT, and perhaps some of the individuals themselves, and the SC has ordered that the evidence collected by the JIT be handed over to him. So if this is a cosmetic change to some degree, that too raises the question of why the court would go to such lengths to respond to Arsalan Iftikhar`s objections. Ultimately, the crux of the matter is that this is no ordinary case. More than in other instances, the SC needs to demonstrate that justice has been done.
What this saga now needs is a speedy, impartial conclusion, so that any lingering questions about corruption tainting the superior judiciary can be put to rest.
From the very beginning it was clear that the case would be a test of the judiciary`s impartiality. But the complete dissolution of a joint investigation team that was looking into the matter, and the appointment of a one-man commission instead, are both unusual developments.
They also set a dangerous precedent. The JIT consisted of officials from NAB, the FIA and Islamabad police, and while there is some circumstantial evi-dence that some of the officials involved in it may have been close to Malik Riaz, its disbanding opens the door for others under investigation in the future to refuse to comply by claiming that state agencies carrying out probes are biased. As an alternative, some officials on the team could have been replaced rather than dissolving it altogether. Also, Mr Suddle will need the assistance of the agencies that were represented on the JIT, and perhaps some of the individuals themselves, and the SC has ordered that the evidence collected by the JIT be handed over to him. So if this is a cosmetic change to some degree, that too raises the question of why the court would go to such lengths to respond to Arsalan Iftikhar`s objections. Ultimately, the crux of the matter is that this is no ordinary case. More than in other instances, the SC needs to demonstrate that justice has been done.
What this saga now needs is a speedy, impartial conclusion, so that any lingering questions about corruption tainting the superior judiciary can be put to rest.
6 sept, 1965: Unity is strength
IN their Defence Day messages, President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, governors, chief ministers and heads of the armed forces and political parties have reaffirmed their pledge to serve the country.
These people stressed the need for all segments of society to maintain unity and harmony by removing internal differences in order to step upefforts for the betterment of the nation and development of the country. ...[T]hey also asked the nation toextend support to the government and law-enforcement agencies to eradicate terrorism and extremism.
There is no doubt that the country is facing numerous challenges.... It is the need of the hour for the entire nation to renew the promise of Sept 6, 1965. That was a big challenge ... but the nation extended full support to the government and the armed forces, which thrashed the enemy with full force. ... Today, too, the country needs the emotions of 1965 when patriotic young people sacrificed their lives ... and pushed back [the enemy]. History remindsus that on their own, the armed forces cannot meet such a target unless the nation extends full support.
This year, Defence Day comes at a time when the nation is facing another big challenge: terrorism. In order to overcome it, the armed forces and government should show unity because it is always ... a method of defeating anti-state elements. Thenation has already proved its patriotism in parts of the country by supporting the armed forces against the ter-rorists. The sacrifices rendered by civilians are matchless. One can easily judge the sacrifices made by people suffering in camps at different places as internally displaced persons with minimum facilities. The problems have yet to be overcome. We need unity, religious harmony and a show of strength against all those busy in planning against our beloved country. The political parties are also duty-bound to play their role for the wellbeing of the country and show unity.
These people stressed the need for all segments of society to maintain unity and harmony by removing internal differences in order to step upefforts for the betterment of the nation and development of the country. ...[T]hey also asked the nation toextend support to the government and law-enforcement agencies to eradicate terrorism and extremism.
There is no doubt that the country is facing numerous challenges.... It is the need of the hour for the entire nation to renew the promise of Sept 6, 1965. That was a big challenge ... but the nation extended full support to the government and the armed forces, which thrashed the enemy with full force. ... Today, too, the country needs the emotions of 1965 when patriotic young people sacrificed their lives ... and pushed back [the enemy]. History remindsus that on their own, the armed forces cannot meet such a target unless the nation extends full support.
This year, Defence Day comes at a time when the nation is facing another big challenge: terrorism. In order to overcome it, the armed forces and government should show unity because it is always ... a method of defeating anti-state elements. Thenation has already proved its patriotism in parts of the country by supporting the armed forces against the ter-rorists. The sacrifices rendered by civilians are matchless. One can easily judge the sacrifices made by people suffering in camps at different places as internally displaced persons with minimum facilities. The problems have yet to be overcome. We need unity, religious harmony and a show of strength against all those busy in planning against our beloved country. The political parties are also duty-bound to play their role for the wellbeing of the country and show unity.
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